The Matriarchal Family Structure on Jeju Island (part 2)

Second and last part of our haenyŏ story focuses more generally on Korean women. Were they really dominated by men during Korean history?

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PART 2 “IF A HEN CRIES, IT WILL BRING A HOUSE DOWN”

1.1      Powerful women

Traditionally, Korean women are regarded as powerless, dependent of man and submissive. This view, however, is the result of the last centuries, when a male-dominated structure was forced upon them. In early Chosŏn, women’s status was almost equal to that of men. Several indications for that theory can be found in genealogies (chokpo). Regardless of gender, all children and following generations of their descendants were written down. Adoption of boys for sonless families was rarely found and second marriages of women appeared to be socially accepted. The women’s share of inheritance was as large as that of their brothers’ and they carried the same responsibilities for ancestor worship. Women were relatively free in the choice of their marriage partner. In comparison with China, child brides were only reluctantly and at a later age given to the family of the bridegroom. Also, abuses of the child were harshly condemned.

Later on, powerful, independent and active women are also present, parallel to the Confucian structure. These women live outside usual forms of Korean society. There are those who make their own living, like shamans (mansin or mudang), professional women entertainers (kisaeng) or the haenyŏ of Jeju, as described above. It is also clear that housewives in the mountainous region of Korea are of equal standing as their husbands, except for those who can afford showing off public display of status. The division of gender, where men play an active, outside role in the public domain, and women a passive, inside role in the domestic domain, is allocated to households with enough property and prestige to assure the “invisibility” of their female members. Those invisible wives, nevertheless, disposed of power in their own domain. They projected their influence on husband and children. Men in the villages often dealt merely with ritualistic issues, rendering their wives public power.

A young kisaeng. from Cornell University Library

The duality of these female figures was that they were at the same time denigrated and indispensable. They proved that power could not be completely taken away from women, as the Neo-Confucian system attempted.

1.2      A male-dominated society

Confucianism takes the family as the central pillar of society. Up till now, “the five relationships”, whereof those between parent and child, and between husband and wife concerned the family structure, influenced Korean values to a high degree. Especially the relationship between father and son was emphasized. More than a relationship based on love between spouses, filial piety lies as a key virtue on the base of a peaceful society. In all relationships, the man came hierarchically first. These values were given stimulus during late Chosŏn, where Neo-Confucianism became established a state ideology. The ideal of male superiority in patrilineal lineage was forced upon the family structure, and the rule of “three obediences” (daughters to their fathers, wives to their husbands and mothers to their sons in later years) had to be respected. Women, as determined three times submissive, should completely sacrifice themselves to serve the other, male members of the family. She was supposed to keep silent and do as she was told. The proverb 암탉이 울면 집안이 망한다 (amtagi ulmyŏn jibani manghanda), translated as “If the hen cries, it will bring a house down” or “It is a sad house when the hen crows louder than the cock”, demonstrates women’s position at those times. Another method to rule over women was the “seven vices” (disobedience to parents-in-law, failing to bear a son, adultery, jealousy, contracting a harmful disease, malicious gossip and theft), valid reasons for men to eject their wives. Obviously, women did not have the right to request a divorce or to choose their spouse themselves. Inheritance shares were much smaller or not allotted, despite the law on equal distribution of properties among descendants.

Grabbing the girl’s wrist: exposure of a male dominated society in Korean drama. Credits and interesting article on http://outsideseoul.blogspot.be/2012/08/the-other-f-word-feminism-versus-korean.html

As Neo-Confucianism was established as the state ideology, discrimination of women by unequal relationships was justified by law. However, the law also prescribed children to respect both their parents. Against the seven vices, there were three reasons for remaining married.

As in China, Confucianism was the philosophy that influenced Korean society most. Buddhism, in contrast, has never had an equally nationwide influence on family structure, as it appealed primarily to the higher class.

1.3      Towards gender equality

Despite rapid economic development and urbanization, the social, political or legal status of women in 1960 did not improve. Sons were given priority in food, clothing and education. Thirty years later, the concept of male superiority was still present. Entering the labor market did not evidently erase male-dominated structures, as could be observed in differences between pay, position and promotion. Even now, women are urged to resign by telling them “they would better get married soon.” After the marriage, women are expected to become housewives.

Korean employment rate 1970 – 2006. Credits and site about korean feminism: http://www.thegrandnarrative.com

Park Geun Hye, South Korea’s female president

The last twenty years, major changes improved gender relations to a high extent.Cohabitation before marriage has become more common, women charging their husband for divorce socially accepted and son preference has dropped. The male-dominated family structure has shifted towards a husband-wife type. While household tasks were mainly performed by women, young men nowadays are more willing to do chores at home. There is a large difference in values between the older and younger generation: Korean youths appear to be most reluctant in accepting and performing Confucian values among adolescents in 17 Asia-Pacific countries.

CONCLUSION: “THREE WOMEN MAKE A MARKET” 

This proverb 여자 셋 이 모이면 접시가 깨진다 (yŏja set shi mo i myŏn jŏpsiga kkae jinda) is used to describe women as talkative, but I would like to use it for describing the situation of women on Jeju. It is suitable in the literal meaning, for these women actually provided a market system on the island. In the figurative meaning, it is the other way around. The men at home were regarded as the talkative ones, chatting and gossiping their weariness away with other “house men”. If not at sea, they had to look after the children and do household chores. Although the women of Jeju held economic power and enjoyed higher standing than the average Korean woman, their social status was always inferior to men’s. Consequently, the effects of the matriarchal family structure on Jeju did not change their marginal position socially or politically.

When we apply the proverb to women on the Korean mainland, it becomes clear that the Confucian ideal of powerless women is an illusion. Women did not keep silent all the time, but influenced their surroundings in their own way. They were powerful in the domestic domain, a place where men were not allowed and could not interfere. The image of the traditional Korean women is also produced in late Chosŏn, as before that time, women were regarded as almost equally to men.

The purpose of this paper was to show that the black-and-white representations of Korean women should be adjusted. Haenyŏ did not rule over men, and housewives were not as powerless as they seemed. Their hierarchical position, however, has always been lower than that of men. During history, this position was heavily reinforced by Confucianism. The legacy of this ideology still remains present today in the Korean family structure.

Gender equality in Korean ads? Again from http://www.thegrandnarrative.com

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References

– Choi, Jung-wha, and Hyang-Ok Lim. This Is Korea: All You Ever Wanted to Know About Korea. Seoul, Korea: Hollym, 2010.

– Kim, Kyong-dong, and Korea Herald. Social Change in Korea. Paju-si: Jimoondang, 2008.

– Nemeth, David J. The Architecture of Ideology: Neo-confucian Imprinting on Cheju Island, Korea. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987.

– Gwon, Gwi Sook. “Changing Labor Processes of Women’s Work: The Haenyo of Jeju Island.” Korean Studies, Vol. 29 (2005): 114-136.

– Dawnhee, Yim Janellis. “Korean Women: View from the Inner Room. by Laurel Kendall; Mark Peterson: Review.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Aug., 1985), 850-852.

– Lewis, Linda S. “View from the Inner Room. by Laurel Kendall; Mark Peterson: Review.” Signs, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Spring, 1987), 582-586.

– Jai, Poong Ryu. “Korean Women: View From the Inner Room. by Laurel Kendall; Mark Peterson: Review.” Pacific Affairs, Vol. 59, No. 2 (Summer, 1986), 335-337.

– Park, Insook Han; Cho, Lee-Jay. “Confucianism and the Korean Family.”Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 26, No. 1.

– “Haeneyo: The Last Generations of Korean Mermaids.” Grrrl Traveler, n.d. http://grrrltraveler.com/sightseeing/jejus-haeneyo/.

– “Lady Good Divers | Artinfo.” Artinfo, n.d. http://www.blouinartinfo.com/news/story/28043/lady-good-divers.

The Matriarchal Family Structure on Jeju Island (part 1)

I took the course “Korean culture” this semester, and we had to write a short paper about a Korean subject that interested us. Because I travelled to Jeju two years ago, I decided to write about Jeju’s “mermaids”: the haenyŏ (part 1). I compared the social standing of these women with the position of women on the Korean mainland (part 2 coming up later). I used Korean proverbs and sayings to illustrate traditional society.

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PART 1: “THERE ARE THREE THINGS IN ABUNDANCE ON JEJU: ROCKS, WIND AND WOMEN”

The Island of Jeju is situated in the Korea Strait, southwest of mainland Korea. Its economy has traditionally been dominated by the fishing industry, until recently when tourism began to play an important role. Because of the isolated location, the influence from outside and the occupation by Japan, language and culture evolved in their own way. One of the most striking differences is the existence of a matriarchal family structure in the past.

Jeju’s male population consisted mainly of fishermen, who went out to sea for long periods. What the proverb in the title endorses, is that women were very visible on Jeju, compared with the situation of women on the mainland. Because of the absence of men, women had to take up not only household chores, but also work in the fields. They were the head of the family.

1.1 Jeju’s “sea women”

A specific job only performed by women for at least a thousand years, was diving. These women, haenyŏ, literally meaning “sea women”, gathered abalone, conch, sea squirt, agar, marine algae, sargassum and shellfish. The haenyŏ symbolizes Jeju Island’s matriarchal family structure or is seen as “a spirit of women”. In the beginning, men also participated as divers. Due to various reasons, diving became an exclusively female profession. It is said that women are preferred above men for this job, because the latter are too skinny. Women have more body fat and adapt easier to the cold temperature of the sea. In the past, women were more profitable to evade the heavy taxes. Another, earlier mentioned reason, is that men went out fishing in deep sea and could not return home every day to sell sea shells on the local market, like the haenyŏ did. Their traditional swimwear consisted of a swimsuit of cloth and goggles. They kept the catch in a fish net, while a buoy (tewak) attached to it located their position in the water. Their only tool was a hook or knife to detach the sea products. No scuba gear was used, for haenyŏ had developed their own breathing technique, characterized by the whistling sound (sumbisori) that could be heard when they broke through the water surface. Haenyŏ could keep their breath for almost two minutes, and dive twenty meters deep. Because of the cold on these depths, diving during the winter was limited.

Nowadays, there are 480 haenyŏ registrated, of which around 400 are active. Most of them are older than fifty. Traditionally, the profession of diver was passed on to the next female generation, but the daughters of current haenyŏ prefer jobs in less harsh working conditions. However, every year new haenyŏ take part in the diving program of the Hansupul Haenyŏ School. Becoming familiar with the currents, winds and tides is essential to face the dangers of diving. Although traditional swim wear is traded for rubber swimsuits, scuba gear, flippers and Styrofoam buoys, diving is still physically demanding. In spite of the high average age of haenyŏ, working times are still four to five hours a day for seven to fifteen days a month, and lead weights around their waist take them down for ten meters. Modern haenyŏ earn approximately 55,000 to 110,000 won per day.

1.2 Women as breadwinners

Women would take up the job of haenyŏ if they had difficulties in making a living. The money they earned by selling the sea products on the market, made up for the greatest part of the family budget. Regarded as the breadwinners, Jeju women are said to enjoy a higher social standing. That in contrast with the Confucian society, in which female economic participation was barely allowed. In the island villages, men cited Confucian homilies and gave extravagant ancestor worship ceremonies to support their sex’s superiority as a compensation for their secondary status. During the early twentieth century, haenyŏ were the first women workers who migrated to the seaside of Japan, China and Russia. Although they operated as a team of exclusively women, their individual income was still higher than that of skilled male factory workers.

http://matricien.org

However, Gwon Gwi Sook argues that the economic transformation into capitalism heavily influenced the work and status of the haenyŏ. Changes in haenyŏ labor processes can be found in the colonial period (1910-1945), the transitional period (1945-1960) and the industrial period (late 1960-present).

In the late Chosŏn dynasty, diving became designated as women’s work, as laws following Confucian norms prohibited men from diving. Although seen as performing the lowest job, haenyŏ provided the main part of tribute. At that time, Jeju had a subsistence economy and was burdened with a tributary mode of production, until the government established reformations in 1814. That their contribution to the welfare on Jeju was acknowledged proves the fact that husbands of haenyŏ were prohibited from participating in the educational circle (hyangkyo). Therefore, notwithstanding the strict social regulation by Confucian norms, Jeju women enjoyed some sort of higher status.

http://blog.korea.net

During colonization by Japan, Jeju was subject to the most drastic social changes because of its geographical position. The economy depended on Japanese demand, and 50,000 out of 200,000 young Jeju men immigrated to work as wage laborers in Japan’s flourishing industry. The result was that women were left alone to manage the shortage of domestic labor and the increase of their responsibilities. They became simple commodity producers and wage laborers by selling their sea products on the market. Delicacies like brown alga and abalone were sold at high prices in Jeju, but could be sold for even more elsewhere. Therefore, haenyŏ became the first seasonal migrant laborers of Korea. Japanese and mainland Korean merchants tended to hire rather Jeju haenyŏ as wage laborers than divers of their own region because of their skills and low wages. The haenyŏ earned more than their husbands in Japan. In 1934, more than 10% of Jeju’s female population, performed as a haenyŏ. It is clear that women played an important role in the economic development of Jeju.

Socially and politically, however, their status was determined by Confucian norms. Affected by patriarchal structure and ideology, their economical contributions didn’t alter the marginal position of women. Although the wife brought in the money, the way in which it was spent was still decided by her husband. Daughters had little access to education, other than in the traditionally economical sector. There was no discrimination, but haenyŏ were seen as inferior marriage partners.

Pictures from the Korean movie “My mother, the mermaid”.

For women who engaged in wage labor abroad, working under male employers also spurred unfair gender relations. As the lowest in the hierarchy, haenyŏ often suffered from humiliating work and living conditions. They were forced to stay because of so-called debts and often sexually exploited and abused. Their wages were reduced to the minimum, barely enough to cover daily expenses. However, all the money was needed as a supplement to commodity production to maintain their family on Jeju. Despite their responsibilities, no improvement of status could be noticed. In 1932, haenyŏ openly accused their Japanese superiors of sale domination. Their demand was partly granted, but unfair market relations remained.

The economic situation worsened after the Korean War. Due to the Jeju uprisings (1948-1954) , the damage was enormous. Women had to shoulder yet more responsibilities, but their position did not improve. They were not strong enough for farming, and their work became devalued. It was still seen as a substitution business. The patriarchal family system proved to be dominant over improving labor relations.

Further development of capitalism did not fill the gaps between sexes. Men’s work was valued highly, while working women’s status remained low. The number of new haenyŏ dropped, as the haenyŏ herself encouraged her daughter to take up a less harsh and more prestigious job than what she had done all those years.

picture by Idobi via Wikimedia Commons

Today, haenyŏ have never been so protected by law and other institutions. They participate in trade union and decision-making processes. They were, however, till not so long ago excluded from inheritance, property and ancestor worship ceremonies. As a conclusion, haenyŏ’s status did not really improve since the beginning. Nowadays, they are seen as a symbol and represent a feminine culture, specific to Jeju Island. The representation of haenyŏ as strong, powerful women positively effected their status. This contrasts with the image of the Korean woman, dominated by a male-dominated Confucian society.

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If you found this interesting, please look forward to part 2!